The Genesis of the Sonderweg (pdf) | Paperity
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For proponents of the German Sonderweg thesis, ..
's in March 1939 and its invasion of Poland in September 1939 (the latter invasion immediately drawing France and Britain into ) provoked the drive to explain the phenomenon of Nazi Germany. In 1940, , a German émigré living in Britain, published , in which he argued it was alone, by the force of his peculiar personality, who had brought about Nazi Germany. In 1941, the British diplomat published , according to which Nazism was only the latest manifestation of what Vansittart argued were the exclusively German traits of and brutality. Other books with a thesis similar to Vansittart's were 's (1941) and 's (1946).
The term was first used by German conservatives in the , starting in the late 19th century as a source of pride at the "Golden Mean" of governance that in their view had been attained by the German state, whose distinctiveness as an state lay in taking the initiative in instituting social reforms, imposing them without waiting to be pressured by demands "from below". This type of authoritarianism was seen to be avoiding both the autocracy of and what they regarded as the weak, decadent and ineffective democratic governments of Britain and France. The idea of Germany as a great Central European power, neither of the West nor of the East was to be a recurring feature of right-wing German thought right up to 1945.
Category:Theories of history - Wikipedia
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I know these are trying times the world is in right now, and you will feel the need to express your philosophical meanderings on Benghazi or Rihanna VS Ke$ha or what funny thing your friend said today, but don’t send multiple long-ass messages.
How bad was British colonialism for India
However, it seems that Peukert misses a major internal contradiction in his argument. He claims that a coalition of the non-extremists on the German political scene would have certainly prevented, or at least postponed, the demise of the Weimar Republic. However, just a few pages earlier he bitterly (and rightfully) criticized the political and socio-economic compromises that eventually rendered the modernization agenda meaningless, but that needed to be made because of the unlikely coalition of the left and right, socialists, liberals and conservatives. That said, it is highly naïve to conclude that a new and even more disloyal coalition of similar political forces in the wider context of the world economic crisis could have done anything more constructive for the ideal of the Weimar constitution. The somewhat heretical question of viability and applicability of democratic procedures and institutions in a specific environment of economic instability, deep political crisis and necessity for radical societal transformations poses itself clearly in relation to the Weimar experience. The issue of whether frequent elections and government alterations help or undermine processes of democratic transitions and modernization is an exceptionally appropriate one. There are certainly numerous examples of attempts at restructuring and breaks with the past interrupted or even completely prevented by the fact that decision-makers gave precedence to the democratic system's procedural formalities and political means over the actual ends of the radical institutional reorganization. It is justifiable to at least consider an option of allowing a somewhat firmer rule, longer mandates and a greater scope of operation to a progressive political leadership in the initial periods of modernization. It does make sense to assume that additional instability is created if the popular will is being tested at the very beginning of an economic transformation, when painful changes have already generated uncertainty and hardship but while the first palpable positive effects of the process have not yet been widely felt. The Weimar Republic probably would not have been as delegitimized and weakened by the unstable compromises and wavering over crucial reforms if the agenda of political means and procedures had not shadowed the agenda of actual goals.