The Hegemonic Stability Theory and the Concept of …
While it is tempting to view the globally endemic problems of patriarchy and hegemonic masculinity in a resigned and fatalistic way, it is also important to acknowledge that they are —at least in principle— preventable. The previous Swedish government's Education Ministry established a Delegation on Gender Equality in Preschool which looked at the ways in which, from the very beginning of education and socialisation, children in preschool education face systematically gendered policies and practices, and which made recommendations to change this situation (unfortunately the report is not available in English). This provides a small example of how such issues can legitimately begin to be addressed through public policy. Given the nature of the global institutions whose practices help to sustain patriarchy —such as many of the world's major religions— I would not pretend that the task will be an easy one. Nonetheless, there is much to be said for adopting a public health perspective on these issues. If we can generate evidence and debate around the notion that patriarchy is a «preventable disease», this is a valid and a potentially useful way forward. Another helpful approach would be to build public pressure for a global commission on masculinities.
Base 2014: Hegemonic Stability Theory
3, June 2009, Mark Rigstad "critically examines efforts to ground the morally personifying language of the Bush Doctrine in term of hegemonic stability theory." In this article, "Particular critical attention is paid to the arguments of leading proponents of this brand of game theory, including J.
While traditional international relations characterizes the international system as one of anarchy, at the same time classical conceptions of state structure tend to assume a territory comprised of people, sovereignty, and an effective government that forestalls domestic anarchy or state collapse (Bull, 1984; Waltz, 1979). Yet, the experience of the post-Cold War era, in particular, is characterized by centrifugal forces of violent ethnonationalism related to normative concerns of human rights and democratization that in turn spawn responses (for example peacekeeping interventions) from the international system. These interventions reflect a shift away from a strict adherence to the doctrine of state sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention. The widening scope and intensity of violent conflicts that produce Great Power and United Nations (UN) sanctioned interventions in civil wars underscore the fact that principles, doctrines, and practices institutionalized through constant application, may be modified, violated, or changed in response to systemic disequilibrium. Such changes are done in response to the increased focus on the international or national protection of human rights: an idea that gained greater concern after 1945. Besides, such ideational developments that are transformed into new practices that violate existing modus operandi may originate from purely internal developments (for example, the clamor for democratization that produces violent civil conflicts), or from external developments and changing conceptions of policy such as the indexing of democratization to IMF conditionalities. Interventions whether coercive or non-coercive are undertaken by the key actors as part of the twin functions of "socialization" and "homogenization" of international society.
Critique Of Neorealist Hegemonic Stability Theory …
In the economic realm, economic interventions are outcomes of the impact of globalization processes on the sovereignty of the state. Their relationship portrays a serious tension as SAPs as an aspect of globalization challenge both state sovereignty and identity in the developing world. The transnationalization and supranationalism involved in SAPs challenge the effectiveness of both domestic and international state policies. The key international organizations embody the rules which facilitate the expansion of hegemonic world orders. They reflect orientations favorable to the dominant social and economic forces emanating from the powerful states, but which often have some negative human rights consequences for the developing state. It has become evident that SAPs do not by themselves reduce poverty, and macroeconomic recovery does not translate into a significant social improvement. In many developing states, the "national popular state" (or welfare state) declined as a result of SAPs. With the neoliberal model, the state was forced to abandon its role as an agent of social development and integration.
"Electoral Reform in Mexico's Hegemonic Party System:
In the Westphalian model of interstate relations, intervention is generally believed to be legally and morally unacceptable. However, the violent conflictual nature of the post-Cold War international system and its attendant humanitarian imperatives is challenging the twin principles of state sovereignty and non-intervention because the intensity of genocidal massacres and ethnic bloodletting are very repulsive to international society. There is also a growing consensus in the international relations of states that when such interventions are collectively authorized by either a regional organization, the international community, or Great Powers, they acquire legitimacy. This cosmopolitan moral theory of international relations is increasingly recognizing that members of the family of nations have an obligation to intervene to stop massive human rights violations. Thus, the once sacrosanct principle of non-intervention and sovereignty is being steadily undermined by the new scope and intensity of intra-state conflicts. However, such interventions could be viewed in terms of the need by dominant actors of the international system to perform their hegemonic function of preserving the integrity of the existing state-centric system and reducing the level of anarchy in the international system.
"Electoral Reform in Mexico's Hegemonic Party System: ..
A hegemon's capability rests upon the likes of a large, growing economy, dominance in a leading technological or economic sector, and political power backed up by projective military power.